Judge Roy Moore’s nearly double-digit victory over incumbent Senator Luther Strange in the Alabama Senate runoff has far-ranging implications for the Republican Party and national politics alike.
For one, it reveals how the Trump wave that took the White House was real, and that this rising tide of populism was in large part buoyed by an uprising of grassroots operatives and supporters. Trump was able to ride this sentiment all the way to 1600 Pennsylvania Avenue because he listened to the people, and saw how to harness their message 1000% better than any other Republican candidate did. More importantly, he actually had the balls to follow through on it during both the primaries and the general election.
However, Moore’s rout of Strange despite Strange acquiring Trump’s endorsement suggests that the Trump movement still belongs to the people who comprise it, not to Trump himself. At the ballot box, over 262,000 Alabama Republicans fed up with Mitch McConnell meant more than 15 tweets (three of which have since been deleted) from Trump praising the Senate Majority Leader’s lapdog. Trump tried to steer the Strange campaign to victory using his star power and popularity among Republicans in a state whose primary he dominated a year ago, which does not sound like a bad strategy on paper.
And yet, the Trump brand failed to carry Strange across the finish line; in fact, it had little or no effect on voters’ preferences. This demonstrates that the Trump brand was not elected President, and neither his own doctrine nor ideology put him in America’s highest office. Rather, he figured how to best resonate with the already-there doctrine and beliefs of the people who propelled him through the primaries and general election. While it may seem subtle at first glance, this is a very stark difference, and it lends strategic guidance to the 2018 midterms as well to the Trump re-election campaign.
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Regarding his little tiff with the NFL, Trump will remain demonstrably not serious until he mentions the word “concussions,” “CTE,” “taxes,” “drugs,” “arrests,” and/or “wife-beating.” If he were to run with the wife-beating track, he could become the champion of women and wives everywhere – but especially in the ghetto – overnight, and in turn pick up some more Obama voters. The feminists across media, entertainment, and politics would all howl, and it would be glorious. In contrast, if he were to hit the NFL from the concussions/CTE angle, the scientists and nerds would be happy, and maybe even offer him some lukewarm praise in the New York Times op-ed pages, but they would still not vote for him. That said, it would still be glorious.
And if Trump really wants to dig into the trenches and win the culture war ravaging the country, he could bluntly remind people that the “take a knee” stunt is the direct result of Fake News polluting athletes’ brains with manufactured controversies like the “hands up, don’t shoot” lie, and the George Zimmerman 911 call that NBC doctored to smear him as a racist. Never mind that Obama’s DOJ actually found that both Zimmerman and Officer Darren Wilson were justified in shooting Trayvon Martin and Michael Brown, respectively, when those thugs tried to kill them, and found no evidence of racism in either case.
Yet these cases, both still distorted – but not irreparably so – by media lies, continue to serve as the driving forces behind these ongoing protests. Obama offered fact-free hot takes on these shootings in their immediate aftermath; surely Trump can wade back in with actual facts and provide the clearheaded analysis needed to correct the problem. We’ll know Trump is serious about winning the long game if he uses these winning points; otherwise, it’s all just good theater.
In the meantime, in the wake of Moore’s victory, Trump himself may have to #TakeAKnee to Steve Bannon, though he may have to wait for Bannon to wash Reince’s lipstick off of his d**k first.
Furthermore, this proves Chris Ekstrom really knows how to pick ’em, and also how to advocate for them (both behind the scenes and out in the open). The same is true of Charles C. Johnson.
It also goes to show that the 2014 Mississippi Senate primary indelibly changed the political playing field. As we learned 2016, Rand Paul went from presidential contender to nothing when he backed McConnell against McDaniel in that race and burned the Tea Party core in irreparable ways. Conversely, Cruz gained a lot of cred at local levels for his efforts to take on the establishment, which in turn made his near-miss as the Republican nominee possible.
Moreover, it was with the hashtag #MSSEN that many of us first met Charles, and got our first retweets from him before the thought police put him in the Twitter gulag. It was in that race that things got real for Mayfield and many others. Charles only had 6,000 Twitter followers back then, and we parlayed that Mississippi Senate connection into sending me to Ebola ground zero in Dallas and help him get a scoop.
Later on, we got behind police lines at the Garland Shooting perpetrated by Muslim terrorists. After that ordeal, it was in a hotel room with some good rum that we conceived our plan: to take the White House with a Twitter account, and to boycott the debates and livestream them instead. It all started from there, and after his visits to Dallas, we made a pact to take over some radical sh*t. In just three years, I think its safe to say we have each, independently done exactly that. We’ve done it in different ways, and sometimes together, and we’ll continue to take over even more as time progresses.
Stay tuned for more.
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